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Wednesday, May 22, 2013

Leveling the playing field: Immunized witnesses for the defense

In the vast majority of criminal cases, the defense faces a serious institutional disadvantage. The government has virtually unlimited resources, immense experience in playing to an attentive (and often subservient) media, the ability to intimidate witnesses into testifying, and a habit of plea-bargaining its way to victory. It also can grant immunity to witnesses, a gift that assures the prosecution of evidence when it needs it. The defendant, in contrast, ordinarily has no such weapon by which to enforce his subpoena to a witness who “takes the Fifth.” A recent federal court case in Philadelphia, about which I write in my Forbes.com blog Injustice Department, holds the potential for a partial un-stacking of the deck.


When looking a gift horse in the mouth, it's best to accurately count the teeth


Lowell Milken’s recent $10 million gift to the UCLA School of Law has been met with a firestorm of ignorant vitriol from a number of UCLA Law School professors. As 
reported in the New York Times earlier this week, one professor, Lynn Stout, went so far as to lament that “the creation of a Lowell Milken Institute for Business Law and Policy will damage my personal and professional reputation” and “I think it’s somewhat distressing that so few people seem to be aware of Lowell and Michael Milken’s business history.”

In my latest Injustice Department column, I discuss this history, show that Lowell Milken was nothing more than a victim of prosecutorial over-zeal, and argue that UCLA should be proud, and humbled, that such a victim of “law and policy” might found an institute for its study.


Can, and Should, NewsCorp face a RICO indictment?


In the wake of the ongoing NewsCorp scandal, some members of the media have been urging U.S. Justice Department intervention, investigation, prosecution, and dismembering of Rupert Murdoch’s media empire. Last month, 
we wrote about Eliot Spitzer’s call for an indictment of NewsCorp under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. Today, we comment on Michael Wolff’s desire to see NewsCorp face an indictment under the RICO (Racketeering Influenced and Corrupt Organizations) Act, a piece of legislation originally created with the express purpose of bringing down organized crime families.

 

In the article, my research assistant Daniel Schwartz and I argue that RICO has become a Frankenstein’s monster, and so it might plausibly be used to attack NewsCorp. We also point out that such an attack would have serious implications for freedom of speech and the feds’ ability to stretch vague laws to accomplish the government’s bidding. No matter Rupert Murdoch’s personality, politics, or corporate ethos, one should remember an important fact:  Murdoch’s company is in the business of producing speech, and a Justice Department RICO indictment would presage a disturbing threat to the entire Fourth Estate.

How a Floridian busted for cocaine possession may save future white collar defendants


The common-law—and common-sense—notion that we should face prosecution only when we knowingly commit a crime has been slowly eroded over the years in state and federal courts. Last month, however, a Florida judge’s ruling in a cocaine distribution case opened the door to a wider discussion of mens rea and its importance as a protection for all Americans. In my latest piece for Forbes.com, I argue that the case is especially relevant to businessmen/women, given the explosion in recent years of vague and unfair statutes by which they can become unwittingly entrapped.

Constructing Truth: the FBI's (non)recording policy



President Obama today officially
 signed into law a bill allowing FBI Director Robert Mueller to be appointed two years beyond his original ten year posting. But what Obama neglects to confront, and all but a few citizens fail to notice, is a fundamental flaw in the FBI’s truth-gathering apparatus consistently defended by Mueller (and, to be fair, his predecessors): the Bureau-wide policy of deliberately not recording interrogations and interviews, a practice that allows the FBI to threaten/manipulate witnesses and manufacture convictions, and which brings into question basic notions of fairness and justice. In the latest installment to my Forbes.com blog, co-authored by my research assistant Daniel Schwartz, we explores the deeper implications of the non-recording policy, and exposes it as a means for the FBI, in the words of Sonny Corleone, to deliver to witnesses “offers they can’t refuse.”

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